| Rudy Rummel is the greatest author providing statistics on mass-murder in the 20th century. Reading his books and articles, one is persuaded that historians and citizens exist in a state of denial: Refusing to look at or recognize that killing by nation-states is the most salient fact of 20th century history. |
|
RUMMEL ON THE DENIAL THAT MASS-MURDER lies at the core of 20th century history: In examining textbooks on political science and government, Rummel says that he found in the indexes of these books “barely a single reference to genocide, mass-murder, killed, dead, executed or massacred.”
"Most of these texts even omit index references to “concentration camps or labor camps or gulags” (although they may have a paragraph or two on these topics).
"Reiterating Rummel’s conclusion, it is fair to state that a preeminent fact about governments (focusing especially on the 20th century) is that many of them “murdered millions in cold blood.” What’s more, tens of millions of additional human beings were slaughtered by governments as a result of foreign aggression and intervention (“war”)."
|
|
Based on a lifetime of research on democide, Rudy Rummel calculates that—for the period of 1900-1999—a total of 262 million human beings were murdered by governments. This figure excludes deaths that occurred based on clashes between armies (direct military conflict).
The typical figure for First World War casualties is 9 million dead; it is estimated that 56 million died during the Second World War. If we factor in other wars during the 20th century, perhaps a minimum of 325 million human beings were killed as a result of collective forms of violence generated by nation-states.
Whatever the exact figure and whatever descriptive words we use (genocide or war or mass murder or democide), a salient fact of the 20th century is that hundreds of millions of people were killed based on actions undertaken by governments. Based on his research, Rummel concludes that the “preeminent fact about government” is that “some murder millions in cold blood.”
Historians study specific cases of war or genocide or mass murder. The search for “causes” focuses on the origins of—factors leading up to the occurrence of this or that event. A shibboleth of anthropological and historical research is that each event is unique—and can be properly studied only within a particular cultural context.
Reviewing the history of the 20th century, however, reveals a common denominator: nations took actions that led to the deaths of tens-of-millions upon millions of human beings. The argument that each instance of mass death generated by a government had a unique, idiosyncratic cause contradicts the principle of parsimony?
Discussing his bibliography on democide, Rummel explains that he taught a university course, “Introduction to Political Science” for twenty years. Each semester he reviewed and considered books for his introductory text (the best measure of the state of a particular academic discipline, he says).
Rummel “shakes his head” at what he finds in these political science textbooks. The concepts and views presented in these standard texts appear “grossly unrealistic.” They do not fit or explain—and are even contradictory to—the existence of a “hell-State like Pol Pot’s Cambodia," a "Gulag-state like Stalin’s Soviet Union," or a Genocidal State like Hitler’s Germany.”
One textbook, Rummel says, spent a chapter describing the functions of government. Among these were “law and order, individual security, cultural maintenance, and social welfare.” Political scientists write like this. he says, in spite of the numerous examples of governments that “kill millions of their own people and enslave the rest.”
Presented through the lens of these standard textbooks, politics is a matter of “inputs and outputs, citizen inputs, aggregation by political parties, government determining policy, and bureaucracies implementing it.” There is especially the “common and fundamental justification of government:" that it exists to protect citizens against the "anarchic jungle that would otherwise threaten their lives and property.”
Such archaic or sterile views, Rummel says, show “no appreciation of democide’s existence and all its related horrors and suffering.” Rummel concludes that we have “no concept for murder as an aim of public policy, determined by discussion among the government elite in the highest councils, and imposed through government bureaucracy.” What is needed is a reconceptualization of government and politics consistent with what we now know about democide. New concepts have to be invented.
It is true that the field of “comparative genocide” has recently emerged. Political scientists and historians have begun to recognize that the Holocaust was only one instance of many cases of genocide. There are other cases of governments intentionally murdering hundreds of thousands, even millions, of human beings.
In examining textbooks on political science and government, however, Rummel says that he found in the indexes of these books “barely a single reference to genocide, mass-murder, killed, dead, executed or massacred.” Most of these texts even omit index references to “concentration camps or labor camps or gulags” (although they may have a paragraph or two on these topics).
Reiterating Rummel’s conclusion, it is fair to state that a preeminent fact about governments (focusing especially on the 20th century) is that many of them “murdered millions in cold blood.” What’s more, tens of millions of additional human beings were slaughtered by governments as a result of foreign aggression and intervention (“war”).
One might say: why spoil the minds of young people—contaminate them—by conveying unpalatable facts in introductory texts? Which is a way of raising a broader question: why be concerned with seeking to discover and to convey the truth?
There is an abundance of “history books” studying events that resulted in the deaths of millions of human beings. The First and Second World Wars and the Holocaust are popular topics. More recently, books on mass-murder by communist states (the Soviet Union, China and Cambodia) have become common.
Still, we prefer not to make generalizations. We’d like to maintain our belief in or fantasy of the “goodness” of nation-states. We live in a state of denial—preferring to maintain our illusions. What would happen if we adopted a posture of looking at the truth rather than a posture of denial? What benefits would accrue?
— Richard A. Koenigsberg, PhD. (718) 393-1104
|